Definition and Examples of the Comparative Degree

In English grammar, the comparative is the form of an adjective or adverb involving a comparison of more or less, greater or lesser. Comparatives in English are either marked by the suffix -er  (as in the faster bike) or identified by the word more or less (the more difficult job. Almost all  one-syllable  adjectives, along with some two-syllable adjectives, add  -er  to the  base  to form the comparative. In most adjectives of two or more  syllables, the comparative is identified by the word  more  or  less. Test your knowledge by working through this  Exercise in Using the Comparative and Superlative Forms of Adjectives. Examples and Observations We can rebuild. Enlarge the containment field. Make it bigger and stronger than ever! But we need money. -Alfred Molina as Doc Ock in Spider-Man 2, 2004There is no kind of dishonesty into which otherwise good people more easily and frequently fall than that of defrauding the government. -Benjamin FranklinThe stronger the smell of whiskey on him, the kinder and gentler he was with me and my brother. -Harry Crews, A Childhood: The Biography of a Place, 1978There is nothing worse than aggressive stupidity. -Johann Wolfgang von GoetheIn memory, the games seem continuous and the days longer, richer, denser, and emptier than any others in my life. -Pete Hamill, A Drinking Life, 1994I had always wanted to go further, higher, deeper, free myself from the net that held me, but whatever I tried I always ended up back at the same door. -Pierre Reverdy, The Glory of Words, 1953; trans. by Andrew McCulloch, 2011Men have so far treated women like birds who had strayed to them from some height: wil der, stranger, sweeter, and more soulful--but as something one has to lock up lest it fly away. -Friedrich Nietzsche, Beyond Good and EvilYoure a woman after my own heart. Tougher than wagon leather, smarter than spit, and colder than January. -Clark Cable as Dan Kehoe in The King and Four Queens, 1956After a second of shock he had recognized Edgar Demarnay. They had not met for several years. An Edgar grown fatter and grosser and older, but Edgar still, with his big pink boys face and his fat lips and his copious short fluffy hair now pale grey instead of pale gold. -Iris Murdoch, The Sacred and Profane Love Machine, 1974 Comparative Forms There are a few irregular comparative forms, for example good ~ better, bad ~ worse, little ~ less, many/much ~ more, far ~ further. Regular one-syllable gradable adjectives and adverbs form their comparative by adding -(e)r, but for most adjectives and adverbs of more than one syllable it is necessary to add the preceding adverb more (or less for a comparison in the opposite direction), for example more careful, more slowly, less natural. The comparative forms make a series with the base (uninflected) and superlative forms. -Geoffrey Leech, A Glossary of English Grammar. Edinburgh University Press, 2006  Take some more tea, the March Hare said to Alice, very earnestly.Ive had nothing yet, Alice replied in an offended tone, so I cant take more.You mean you cant take less, said the Hatter: its very easy to take more than nothing. -Lewis Carroll, Alices Adventures in Wonderland and Through the Looking Glass, 1865A man is usually more careful of his money than he is of his principles. -Ralph Waldo EmersonA solitary, unused to speaking of what he sees and feels, has mental experiences which are at once more intense and less articulate than those of a gregarious man. -Thomas MannNothing wilts faster than laurels that have been rested upon. -Carl RowanThe trouble about trying to make yourself stupider than you really are is that you very often succeed. -C. S. LewisIt is easier to live through someone else than to become complete yourself. -Betty FriedanIt is better to keep your mouth closed and let people think you are a fool than to open it and remove all doubt. -Mark Twain Correlative Forms The constructions formed by the more . . . the more (or -er . . . -er), the less . . . the less, the more . . . the less can be used correlatively to indicate a progressive increase, or decrease, of the quality or process described. Both adjectives and adverbs can occur in the construction: The bigger they are, the harder they fall, dont they? (adj-adv) [BNC KBB 4742]The sooner you forget the whole incident, the better. (adv-adv)Its funny, the more painting you do, the more you realise you dont know. [BNC CCO 344]The more closely I look at the problem, the less clearly I see a solution.(adv-adv) -Angela Downing and Philip Locke, English Grammar: A University Course. Routledge, 2006The more original a discovery, the more obvious it seems afterward. -Arthur Koestler The Lighter Side of Comparatives When Im good, Im very good, but when Im bad, Im better. -Mae West to Cary Grant in Im No Angel, 1933)[W]e did learn some important life lessons from sports. I learned, for example, that even though I was not as big, or fast, or strong, or coordinated as the other kids, if I worked really hard--if I gave 100 percent and never quit—I would still be smaller, slower, weaker, and less coordinated than the other kids. -Dave Barry, Ill Mature When Im Dead. Berkley, 2010In one of his shows, [Jack Benny] and his guest star Vincent Price drank some freshly brewed coffee. After savoring a sip, Benny announced, This is the better coffee I ever tasted.Price snapped, You mean the best coffee!Benny snapped back, Theres only two of us drinking it! -Ken Tucker, Kissing Bill OReilly, Roasting Miss Piggy: 100 Things to Love and Hate About TV. Macmillan, 2005Creamy Jif is peanuttier than any other leading creamy brand. Choosy moms choose Jif. -Advertisement for Jif peanut butter, Parents magazine , 2002)He had been looking like a dead fish. He now looked like a deader fish, one of last years, cast up on some lonely beach and left there at the mercy of the wind and tides. -P.G. Wodehouse, Right Ho, Jeeves, 1934 Pronunciation: kom-PAR-a-tiv

A New Form of Expansion Essay - 803 Words

A New Form of Expansion Before the start of the Spanish-American War of the late nineteenth-century and World War I in the early twentieth century, the United States had encouraged expansion as being a way of gaining power. For example, the Frontier thesis, conveyed that it is through the expansion of new lands that humanity would continue to progress. Also the United States portrayed its impatience to expand through Manifest Destiny: the desire to expand from sea to sea with the goal to own and cultivate as much land as possible. However, as the late nineteenth and early twentieth century appeared, America experienced a change. It grew from an ambitious, power-seeking country, to the†¦show more content†¦Also, in John Hays First and Second Open Door Notes, he promotes the United States necessity for equal trade with China, which was the U.S main attempt to solve foreign issues, peacefully. Once more, through Senator Albert J. Beveridges Speech to 56th Congress, he claims that the Pacific is ou r oceanà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦.And the Pacific is the ocean of the commerce of the futureà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦The power that rules the Pacific, therefore, is the power that rules the world (Doc E). Throughout this time, the theory of the United States dream of Manifest Destiny and its sole desire of expansion supports the idea that the purpose of expansionism, is for foreign dominance - thus, the more land you have, the more power you control. The United States interfered with foreign affairs whenever necessary to keep order. As shown through the Annual Message to Congress, Theodore Roosevelt conveys that if it (a nation) keeps order and pays its obligations, it need fear no interference from the United States (Doc F). The Platt Amendment of 1901 specified the conditions under which the U.S could intervene in Cubas internal affairs; stating that Cuba could not make a treaty with another nation that might impair its independence. Secondly, it was through the approval of the 1898 Treaty of Paris, that the Spanish American War ended andShow MoreRelatedFederal Government of the United States and Territorial Expansion1101 Words   |  5 Pages2010 DBQ: (Form A) 1. In what ways did ideas and values held by Puritans influence the political, economic, and social development of the New England colonies from 1630 through the 1660s? (Form B) 1. The issue of territorial expansion sparked considerable debate in the period 1800–1855. Analyze this debate and evaluate the influence of both supporters and opponents of territorial expansion in shaping federal government policy. 2009 DBQ: (Form A) From 1775 to 1830, many African AmericansRead MoreEssay about The Historical Impacts of the Protestant Reformation946 Words   |  4 PagesThe Protestant Reformation and European expansion have both left political, social and economic impacts throughout history. 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The Organization To Discuss In This Paper1107 Words   |  5 Pagesin several countries with highly centralized policies, but will need to introduce the products to the countries it wants to expand in, at a reduced cost, and further develop products that will draw in new customers. Another important strategy which can aid in expansion is for the organization to form partnerships with companies in various countries to increase its capacity and diversify its portfolio of the products. For Micron to grow further and to successfully penetrate the international market

Business Mining and Metals Organization

Question: Discuss about theBusinessfor Mining and Metals Organization. Answer: Safety Issues faced by Employees in Rio Tinto Introduction Rio Tinto, the mining and metals organization in Australia has been gaining controversies around the globe regarding the employees that had been facing issues in health and safety. Although, the company states that the safety and health accounts for utmost priority but with according to annual reports and news, the company has been hiring casual labour hire that has been affecting job security and discouraging workers while bringing up the safety issues. The issues for the existing employees have been worsened, as they are not getting treatment as the new workers, which is directly affecting their health and safety (Hangemann 2015). Overall, the safety issues is a concern that is being raised by the employees and is indirectly impacting the production and the fear of leading to accidents due to sickening conditions of the employees (Nkosi 2015). Management Problem The health management problem highlighted in the report is due to the employees that are working in Rio Tinto (industriall-union.org 2015). As per the recent discussion, the health management problem in Rio Tinto is not only creating a degrading effect on the company but is also impacting the workforce of the company as raising a safety issue is a dangerous trend. This bad outcome for workers is not only bad for their health regarding being exposed to occupational disease or illness but also creates substantial impact on the wellbeing of the family as well as the organization (Scott and Grayson 2011). Research Question The research questions that highlight the research report can be given as: What is the perception of employees on the health and safety issues being faced in Rio Tinto? How worsening conditions of employees working in hazardous environments have been resulting on the level of production and performance of Rio Tinto? What are the possible challenges faced by Rio Tinto in the problem of health and safety management? Research Program The research program carried out in the research is based on quantitative as well as qualitative research based on the questionnaire that has been given to the employees of Rio Tinto. The questionnaire carried out incorporates questionnaire style of open ended as well as close-ended questions. The close-ended questions are based on five point Likert Scale whereas open-ended questions are unstructured in nature (Agumba 2014). On the other hand, a quantitative as well as qualitative study will be suited for the research in understanding the nature and outlook of the plight of the employees. The research holds positivism as well as interpretivism philosophy on the primary as well as secondary data respectively. Data Collection Method The data collection method is of two types that is primary and secondary method. However, the collection method undertaken in the research is primary data collection method to define systematically the decision making process (Zikmund et al. 2013). The primary data has been studied using the questionnaire strategy based on the data gathered from the employees. The primary data is the first hand research done as fresh in the research. Although, the study has been analysing 50 employees of Rio Tinto working as coal miners for quantitative research and analysing 5 senior employees for qualitative approach. Data Analysis The plan for the report is based on two methods that is quantitative and qualitative method. The research is based on 50 employees of the Rio Tinto based on primary and secondary data. The survey questionnaire will be distributed among the employees based on convenience sampling. However, the analyses undertaken holds to be important in evaluating a general viewpoint on the health and safety issues followed by qualitative research that will help the report in bringing out the impact of the health and safety management status of the organization. The quantitative results gathered will be studied using Excel on the Likert Scale (Khalid, Abdullah and Kumar 2012). Results and Findings The results and findings of the task can be evaluated based on the quantitative and qualitative questionnaire undertaken. Quantitative Approach Applied According to the questions, it has been seen that Rio Tinto has been differentiating between its hire of casual labour which is impacting the condition of the existing employees as given by the bar chart which shows that 14 of the 50 employees strongly agree for the distinction done at the workplace regarding health and management issues. Figure 1: Healthy and Safety Management Policies Source: (Created by Author) On the other hand, the management actions provided does create a stronger effect but remains negligible with the effects on the employees who are a part of Rio Tinto from a long time. The management actions are devoid of any motivation to the existing employees relating to safety issues. Figure 2: Management Actions Source: (Created by Author) Conversely, the challenge undertaken by Rio Tinto in providing effective policy largely has been affected employee whether in performance or production. There is lot of variability as the employees are not happy with the treatment given by the organization, Rio Tinto being one of the global market share in metal and mining company. Figure 3: Healthy and Safety Management Source: (Created by Author) Qualitative Approach Applied The qualitative study done of 5 employees have been undertaken on two questions. Firstly, the employees are of the view that health and safety policy provided by the organization is to meet the employees demand but due to influx of new employees, the attention has been shifted. Moreover, more skilled labourers in the mining industry; less preference would be given to years old employees as well. As a result, the employees are devoid of proper health and safety policies and continue to work as it is. One of the employees who is a new employee seems to be satisfied as he is given proper care with his family in event of accident or any safety related issue. Secondly, the possible challenges faced by Rio Tinto in event of health and safety management issues is that it may lose its old yet efficient workers. Moreover, there may be a strike against their operations. In addition, there loss of any worker due to health issue can deteriorate the production as well as the reputation of the company and can possible result in havoc. The competitors will have a fourfold advantage in hiring our workers from the field through additional money. Recommendations The possible recommendation for the study is that the methodology of the research carried out should be based on the large sample of employees, as this sample will not be able to justify the result. Moreover, the use of qualitative research in the questionnaire can give bias results as the employees might consult their responses. In additional, the use of unstructured interview can be a way in which the result can be beneficial (Walliman 2015). The management problem can be managed if the existing employees are also given proper advantage regarding the issue and no new employee is treated preferably with extra advantages. Moreover, all the employees needs to perform the task with efficient results in a way that in event of fatal accidents and occupational hazards, every employee should motivate and build confidence with others that will in a way will increase the production and the management will change the outlook of the existing employees (Ewekoro and Felix 2012). Conclusion To conclude, it can be said that the report highlight the management problem in the health and safety issues as there is differentiation created in the new casual labour hired with the motive of increase motivation. As a result the existing employees of Rio Tinto ate lacking motivation, support, guide to any issue, and are not being properly taken care of. The report carried the work on primary data collection method using qualitative and quantitative method. However, the research has future scope as it can be help in analysing the issue in depth. References Agumba, J.N., 2014. Quantitative and qualitative approach of validating and identifying health and safety performance improvement indicators: experience of using Delphi technique. ICESS. Ewekoro, L.W.P. and Felix, B.O., 2012. Effects of Organizational Health And Safety Policies On Employees performance In. Hangemann, B. 2015.Rio Tinto to face rehab and labour hire concerns at AGM | Australian Mining. Australianmining.com.au. Available at: https://www.australianmining.com.au/news/rio-tinto-to-face-rehab-and-labour-hire-concerns-at-agm/ [Accessed 27 Sep. 2016]. industriall-union.org. 2015.Rio Tinto: The Way it Really Works. Available at: https://www.industriall-union.org/sites/default/files/uploads/documents/Rio_Tinto_Campaign/pre-agm_handout_hires21.pdf [Accessed 27 Sep. 2016]. Khalid, K., Abdullah, H.H. and Kumar M, D., 2012. Get along with quantitative research process.International Journal of Research in Management. Nkosi, L., 2015.Social impact of mining(Doctoral dissertation). Scott, D. and Gray son, R. 2011.Selected Health Issues in Mining. cdc.gov. Available at: https://www.cdc.gov/niosh/mining/userfiles/works/pdfs/shiim.pdf [Accessed 27 Sep. 2016]. Walliman, N., 2015.Social Research Methods: The Essentials. Sage. Zikmund, W.G., Babin, B.J., Carr, J.C. and Griffin, M., 2013.Business research methods. Cengage Learning.

Six Point Movement in Bangladesh free essay sample

After the announcement of 6 points by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1966, the then Bhashani NAP, pro-China Communist groups and Chhatra Union (Menon Group) were the first to articulate their reaction. They claimed that the 6 points were in fact the creation of American intelligence agency, CIA. Its aim was to develop rapport with the USA by creating problems for Ayub Khan. But such an explanation on the origin of 6 points was not accepted or proved by anyone later. Some people opine that the 6 points were in fact the creation of some Bangali CSP officers — Ruhul Quddus, Shamsur Rahman Khan, Ahmed Fazlur Rahman. A segment of the people are of the view that the 6 points were the joint production of intellectuals including the economics professor of Dhaka University. Alongside this, another quarter believes that the 6 points were prepared by a group of leftist politicians of India. There was another segment who used to claim that Ayub Khan used his favorite bureaucrat Altaf Gauhar to prepare the document and then handed that over to Khairul Kabir (the then General Manager of Krishi Bank). We will write a custom essay sample on Six Point Movement in Bangladesh or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page His goal was to elicit political dividends. Because of these contradictory claims and contrary views regarding the drafting of 6 points, its origin still remains unclear and shrouded in mystery. The 6 points 1. The constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense based on the Lahore Resolution and the parliamentary form of government with supremacy of a Legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise. 2. The federal government should deal with only two subjects: Defence and Foreign Affairs, and all other residual subjects should be vested in the federating states. . Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings should be introduced; or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate Banking Reserve should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy be adopted for East Pakistan. 4. Th e power of taxation and revenue collection should be vested in the federating units and the federal centre would have no such power. The federation would be entitled to a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures. 5. There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings; the foreign exchange requirements of the federal government should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous products should move free of duty between the two wings, and the constitution should empower the units to establish trade links with foreign countries. 6. East Pakistan should have a separate militia or paramilitary force. Six-point Programme a charter of demands enunciated by the A for removing disparity between the two wings of Pakistan and bring to an end the internal colonial rule of West Pakistan in East Bengal. The Indo-Pak War of 1965 ended with the execution of Taskent Treaty. To the old grievances of economic disparity added the complain of negligence and indifference of central government towards the defence of East Pakistan. Bangabandhu   was vocal on this issue. The leaders of the opposition parties of West Pakistan convened a national convention at Lahore on 6 February 1966 with a view to ascertain the post-Taskent political trend. Bangabandhu reached Lahore on 4 February along with the top leaders of Awami League, and the day following he placed the Six-point Charter of demand before the subject committee as the demands of the people of East Pakistan. He created pressure to include his proposal in the agenda of the conference. They rejected the proposal of Bangabandhu. On the following day the newspapers of West Pakistan published reports on the Six-point programme, and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was projected as a separatist. Consequently Sheikh Mujib abandoned the conference. The Six-point programme along with a proposal of movement for the realisation of the demands was placed before the meeting of the working committee of Awami League on 21 February 1966, and the proposal was carried out unanimously. A booklet on the Six-point Programme with introduction from Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib and Tajuddin Ahmad was published. Another booklet entitled Amader Banchar Dabi : 6-dafa Karmasuchi (Our demands for existence : 6-points Programme) was published in the name of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and was distributed in the council meeting of Awami League held on 18 March 1966. Six points 1. The constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense on the Lahore Resolution and the parliamentary form of government with supremacy of a Legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise. 2. The federal government should deal with only two subjects : Defence and Foreign Affairs, and all other residuary subjects shall be vested in the federating states. 3. Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings should be introduced ; or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate Banking Reserve should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy be adopted for East Pakistan. 4. The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units and the federal centre will have no such power. The federation will be entitled to a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures. 5. There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings ; the foreign exchange requirements of the federal government should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous products should move free of duty between the two wings, and the constitution should empower the units to establish trade links with foreign countries. . East Pakistan should have a separate militia or paramilitary force. The opposition leaders of West Pakistan looked at Mujibs Six-point Programme as a device to disband Pakistan, and hence they outright rejected his proposal. The Ayub government arrested him and put him on trial what is known as AGARTALA CONSPIRACY CASE. The case led to widespread agitation in East Pakistan culminating in t he mass uprising of early 1969. Under public pressure, government was forced to release him unconditionally on 22 February 1969. The Awami League sought public mandate in favour of the six point programme in the general elections of 1970 in which Mujib received the absolute mandate from the people of East Pakistan in favour of his six point. But Zulfiqar Ali Bhuttu refused to join the session of the National Assembly scheduled to be held on 3 March 1971 unless a settlement was reached between the two leaders beforehand. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his party sat in a protracted dialogue from 15 March 1971. The dialogue failed to produce any positive result. The army crackdown of 25 March sealed the fate of the six point including the fate of Pakistan. [Ashfaq Hossain] The Significance of the Six-Point Movement and its Impact on Bangladesh’s Struggle for Freedom and Self-determination Introduction: The historic Six-Point movement in 1966 was the turning point in Bangladesh’s quest for greater autonomy and self-determination from Pakistan’s colonial domination. The six-point demand has been widely credited as the ‘charter of freedom’ in the history of Bangladesh’s struggle for freedom and independence. The six-point plan had envisaged, among other things, a full-blown federal form of Government based on the 1940 Lahore Resolution, a parliamentary system of government directly elected by the people on the basis of adult franchise, two separate currencies or two reserve banks for the two wings of Pakistan, and a para-military force for East Pakistan. The spectacular success of the six-point movement in 1966 had prompted the ruling coterie of Pakistan to discredit the organizers of this movement. Although Ayub Khan’s diabolical regime had used various brutal punitive measures against the proponents, organizers and supporters of the six-point formula, this historic movement had seriously impacted and conditioned the subsequent political development in Pakistan. The main purpose of this paper is to assess the significance of the six-point movement and its impact on Bangladesh’s struggle for freedom and self-determination. Once the main contents of the six-point plan are summarized, the nature, magnitude, and impact of the six-point movement will be appraised. Aimed at substantiating and validating my own observations about the magnitude and impact of the six-point movement, some scholarly observations will be cited. Finally, some concluding remarks will be made. The Six-Point Plan: the Main Elements Sheikh Mujibur Rhaman, the then General Secretary of the East Pakistan Awami League (EPAL), had personally submitted the six-point program to the subject-matter committee of the All-Party Meeting of the opposition political parties of the then Pakistan in Lahore on February 5, 1966. Based on his â€Å"6-Point Formula: Our Right to Live† [March 23, 1966], the chief demands and themes of the historic six-point plan are being summarized as follows: Point 1: â€Å"The Constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense on the basis of [1940] Lahore Resolution, and Parliamentary form of Government with supremacy of legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise. † Point 2: The Federal Government of Pakistan â€Å"shall deal with only two subjects, viz. defense and Foreign Affairs, and all other residuary subjects shall vest in the federating states. † Point 3: â€Å"Two separate but freely convertible currencies for two wings [of Pakistan] should be introduced;† or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate Banking Rese rve should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy to be adopted for East Pakistan. Point 4: The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the â€Å"federating units and the Federal Centre will have no such power. † However, the Federation will be entitled to have a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures. â€Å"The Consolidated Federal Fund shall come out of a levy of certain percentage of all state taxes. † Point 5: There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings with clear assurance that â€Å"earnings of East Pakistan shall be under the control of East Pakistan Government and that of West Pakistan under the control of West Pakistan Government. And the â€Å"foreign exchange requirements of the Federal Government [of Pakistan] should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed. The indigenous products should move free of duty between the two wings. † The Constitution should â€Å"empower the units [provinces] to establish trade and commercial relations with, set up trade missions in and enter into agreements with foreign countries. † Point 6: East Pakistan should have a separate â€Å"militia† or â€Å"para-military† force. Immediate Reactions of the Pakistani Political Leaders to the Six-Point Plan Instead of endorsing Sheikh Mujib’s legitimate six-point-based demand for â€Å"maximum† provincial autonomy, the mainstream leaders of the so-called opposition parties for establishing democracy in Pakistan were not even willing to include his proposal in the official agenda of the conference for initiating discussion on the merits or demerits of the of the proposed six-point demands. In fact, no West Pakistani political leaders (not even Nawabzada Nasarullah Khan, the President of the then All-Pakistan Awami League) were willing to lend any support to Sheikh Mujib’s clarion call for maximum provincial autonomy based on the proposed six-point program. It is also really appalling to recapitulate even after forty long years that the non-Awami League delegates from the then East Pakistan did not endorse the six-point demand. Like their West-Pakistani counterparts, Bengali speaking renegades had also smelled an element of â€Å"secession† or â€Å"disintegration† of Pakistan in the six-point program. In fact, Sheikh Mujib’s six-point demand could not be pried out of the â€Å"subject-matter committee† of that so-called All-party conference. Rather, the proposed six-point anchored proposal for maximum provincial autonomy had received frontal attacks from the mainstream ruling elite of Pakistan. The veteran West Pakistani political stalwarts, in conjunction with their cohorts from the then East Pakistan, had started a slanderous propaganda campaign against Sheikh Mujibur Rahman the chief architect and proponent of the six-point charter even though most of those instant criticisms of the roposed six-point program were characterized by blatant falsehoods, conjectures, distortions, and innuendoes. Yet Sheikh Mujibur Rahman refused to be blackmailed or intimidated by those critics. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s Immediate Response to the Critics In a press conference at Lahore on February 10, 1966, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had pointed out the uselessness and irrelevance of the All-Party Conference. He had clearly articulated that the question of demanding genuine â€Å"provincial autonomy† based on the proposed six-point program should not be misconstrued or dismissed as â€Å"provincialism. † He underscored that the proposed six-point demand was not designed to harm the common people of West Pakistan. He had pointed out that the 17-day war between Pakistan and India (1965) made it crystal clear to the â€Å"East Pakistanis† that the defense of East Pakistan couldn’t be contingent upon the mercy or courtesy of West Pakistan. He reminded the audience that instead of relying on West Pakistan for its own defense a distant land located one thousand miles away, East Pakistan should be made self-sufficient for the purpose of defending itself from external aggression. He also made it abundantly clear that his six-point plan for â€Å"maximum† provincial autonomy reflected the long-standing demands of the people of East Pakistan. On his return from Lahore to Dhaka on February 11, 1966, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had provided further clarification on his six-point demands in a press conference. He explained why he had disassociated himself from the All-Party conference in Lahore. He had clearly stated that the delegates from East Pakistan Awami League (EPAL) had rejected not only the proposals passed by the All-Party Conference but also severed all ties with the disgruntled leaders of this so-called conference of the opposition parties. He said that it was not at all possible for him or his party to â€Å"betray the genuine interests† of the aggrieved and deprived people of East Pakistan. He emphasized that the immediate adoption and implementation of his six-point demand â€Å"will be conducive to foster durable relationship between two provinces of Pakistan. † In a press conference on February 14, 1966, he reiterated that the â€Å"the question of autonomy appears to be more important for East Pakistan after the 17-day war between Pakistan and India. The time is ripe for making East Pakistan self-sufficient in all respects. † Reaction of Ayub Khan’s Dictatorial Regime to the Six-Point Plan Immediately after the provincial autonomy plan based on the six-point formula was unveiled by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at the Lahore conference of opposition political parties in early February, 1966, the military autocracy of the self-declared Field Marshal Ayub Khan was quick to denounce it as a separatist or secessionist move. Aimed at browbeating the dedicated champions of greater provincial autonomy, Ayub Khan, the autocratic President of the then Islamic Republic of Pakistan, had started discrediting both the message and the messenger of the six-point program. Appearing in the final session of the Pakistan (Convention) Muslim League in Dhaka on March 21,1966 (of course being fully attired in the army General’s khaki uniform with full display of all of his regalia and medallions), the self-declared President of the then Pakistan had condemned the six-point based plan for maximum provincial autonomy in the harshest possible terms. Characterizing the six-point formula for provincial autonomy as a demand for â€Å"greater sovereign Bengal,† Ayub Khan had claimed that such a plan would put the â€Å"Bengali Muslims† under the permanent domination of the â€Å"caste Hindus† of neighboring West Bengal. Comparing the â€Å"prevailing situation† in Pakistan [as of March, 1966] with the volatile situation that had existed in the USA before the outbreak of a prolonged Civil War in early 1860s, the self-serving President of Pakistan also arrogated himself by saying that the nation might have to face a â€Å"civil war† if such were forced upon â€Å"him† by the â€Å"secessionists. † He had even threatened the â€Å"autonomists† and â€Å"secessionists† with â€Å"dire consequences† if they failed to shun the idea of six-point based movement for provincial autonomy. He had also the audacity to underscore that the â€Å"language of weapons† would be ruthlessly employed for exterminating the â€Å"secessionist elements from Pakistan. † Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the flamboyant Foreign Minister of Pakistan, had openly challenged Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to a public debate on the strengths and weaknesses of the proposed six-point plan at Paltan Maidan in Dhaka. To the chagrin of the Ayub regime, Tajuddin Ahmed, number 2 person in the then Awami League, took up the challenge on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Unfortunately, it was Z. A. Bhutto who did not show up for debate! Abdul Monem Khan, the then infamous Governor of East Pakistan, had publicly stated that â€Å"as long as I remain Governor of this province (East Pakistan), I would see to it that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman remains in jail. † Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Launches the Six-Point Movement In response to such false accusations and vile threats, a fearless Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was quick to respond. In a mammoth public gathering at Paltan Maidan, he thundered: â€Å"No amount of naked threats can deviate the deprived Bangalees from their demand for provincial autonomy based on their six-point demands. The greatest champion of Bangalees’ rights for self-determination, along with top leaders of the Awami League, kept on addressing numerous public meetings in the nooks and corners of the then East Pakistan. Without wasting a moment, the entire Awami League and the East Pakistan Students’ League (EPSL), its student front, were geared toward mobilizing and motivating the general mass es in favor of demanding self-government and autonomy based on the six-point program. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had presented not only the bold proposal for â€Å"maximum provincial autonomy† but he also launched a viable mass movement (which he himself led till he was put in jail on May 9, 1966) for popularizing and mobilizing support for the six-point program. After proposing his historic six-point program, he had actually invested all of his energies and resources in disseminating the fundamental message of â€Å"maximum autonomy† for East Pakistan. He started articulating both the rationale and justification for proposing â€Å"maximum provincial autonomy† based on his six-point plan. However, before launching a full-fledged mass movement for realizing his six-point demands, Sheikh Mujib had initiated some strategic intra-party measures. The Council Session of the East Pakistan Awami League (EPAL) met on March 18, 19, 20, 1966, and that council session had also restructured the working Committee of the party. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Tajuddin Ahmed were unanimously elected the President and General Secretary respectively of the newly revamped Awami League. The proposed six-point program was also unanimously endorsed by that historic council session for realizing maximum provincial autonomy for the then East Pakistan. To the dismay of Pakistan’s ruling coterie, the six-point program had generated a great deal of enthusiasm among the people of the then East Pakistan. As noted by Dr. Talukder Maniruzzaman: â€Å"To say that this [six-point] programme evoked tremendous enthusiasm among the people of East Bengal would be an understatement. Encouraged by overwhelming popular support, Sheikh Mujib convened a meeting of the EPAL Council [March 18-20, 1966] at which his [Six-Point] programme was unanimously approved and he was elected President of the [Awami League] party. With a phalanx of organizers from the Student’s League, Sheikh Mujib then launched a vigorous campaign. For about three months (from mid-February to mid-May), the urban centers of East Bengal seemed to be in the grip of a ‘mass revolution,’ prompting the Central Government to arrest Sheikh Mujib and his chief lieutenants (Tajuddin Ahmed, Khandokar Mustaq Ahmed, Mansoor Ali, Zahur Ahmed Chowdhury, and others) under the [infamous] Defense of Pakistan Rules and put down a complete general strike in Dacca (June 7, 1966) by killing 13 participating strikers† [Talukder Maniruzzaman, The Bangladesh Revolution and Its Aftermath, UPL, 1988. P. 25]. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s demand for â€Å"maximum autonomy† based on his six-point formula seems to have shaken the foundation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The six-point plan had exposed the fact that the real intention of Pakistan’s ruling elite was to â€Å"strengthen† the Punjabi-Mohajir dominated Central Government. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman repeatedly said in several public meetings that that the people of Pakistan had always desired a â€Å"strong Pakistan,† not a â€Å"strong Central Government. The entire ruling establishment of Pakistan was alarmed, and obviously, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the chief proponent of the six-point program, had become the main target of negative publicity. He had to endure various virulent forms of harassment, intimidation, and fraudulent cases. Instead of fairly addressing the legitimate grievances and demands of the neglected eastern province of Pakistan, the power elite took a deliberate decision to s uppress the quest for maximum provincial autonomy through the use of colonial types of repressive methods and procedures.